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The Face of Russian Radicalism
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Dear Readers,
This issue of Russia Profile, the first one to be published only on the Web, has radicalism as its central theme. We deliberately avoided using the term “extremism,” because it is often abused by both the government and the opposition, always eager to liken their opponents to Joseph Stalin-style communists or fascists. Radicalism is a much broader term, with more positive connotations in Russia’s history and the national psyche. In the early years of perestroika, in the late 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev called his economic reforms “radical” and “revolutionary,” obviously seeking to draw a parallel between himself and Vladimir Lenin. In fact, the economy was precisely the sphere where Gorbachev was least radical, seeking little more than a cosmetic renovation of Leonid Brezhnev’s “real socialism.” But history moves in mysterious ways.
Gorbachev’s cosmetic experiments sped up the collapse of the Soviet economy, and thus made the subsequent Boris Yeltsin’s reforms radical and revolutionary indeed.
Somehow, periods when radicals ruled Russia were never particularly pleasant to live in. Radical Westernization under Peter the Great, totalitarian modernization under Lenin and Stalin, the scrapping of the Soviet system by Yeltsin and Yegor Gaidar are all remembered as times of poverty, demographic decline and sometimes even hunger. So how is it that two out of four of Russia’s parliamentary parties (the communists and Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s liberal-democrats), as well as the vast majority of “informal” political groups, can be called radical, if not extremist, by their ideology? What makes radicalism so perennially popular in Russia?
Seeking an answer to this question, Russia Profile’s reporters interviewed a wide spectrum of experts and political actors, from the xenophobic Movement against Illegal Immigration to the leftist New Revolutionary Alternative. Despite the numerous differences, all of these groups fall under the definition of radicalism coined by Boris Orlov, one of the ideologists of the Russian Social-Democratic party (RSDP). “Radicalism is an attempt to find simple solutions to complicated problems,” Orlov said.
No one argues that illegal immigration is not a problem for Russia, which trails only the United States in the number of labor migrants. No one denies that economic inequality in Russia takes grotesque forms, with the richest ten percent of the population reportedly being 14 times richer than the poorest ten percent. But addressing these problems in a serious way requires some complicated moves, which the public somehow just does not believe in. It requires such dull things as a state policy on migration, differentiating between different kinds of migrants; it requires free elections which would allow the poor to exert electoral pressure on the authorities; it requires a free and open discussion on all of these issues, which, in turn, requires a vigorous reading public, and not the distracted mass of consumers eager to be constantly entertained. And, worst of all, solving the country’s problems requires years and years of hard work.
The public often finds all of this unpractical, uninteresting and simply too complicated. It is much easier to find the scapegoats among the dark-haired streetwalkers, as the Russian skinheads do. Or to blow up the newly-built statues of Russia’s czars as symbols of the returning autocracy, as members of the New Revolutionary Alternative did until their arrest. Such actions are always more “direct” and spectacular. They can be watched, filmed and touched, which makes them immensely more interesting to the media than the dog’s work of municipal officials or human rights activists. Radicalism sells well and does not need advertising.
But the problem is that radicalism does not bring long-term positive results either. Hence the cyclical character of the Russian history. When a problem emerges, the most obvious and usually the most radical solution is applied. In a few years (if not in a few months), the medicine happens to be worse than the disease. And, again, the most obvious and the most radical solution is used to right this wrong. And Russia’s history returns to its circuits.
With thanks,
Dmitry Babich
Acting Editor
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, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
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By Semyon Ekshtut , Special to Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
Radicalism is not a new phenomenon for Russian history. In the 19th and the 20th centuries, a lot was being written and said about the “ruthless consistency of the Russian mind,” which often looks for simple and quick (so-called radical) answers to complicated questions. Some researches name the Decembrists – a group of Russian revolutionaries from the nobility who tried to overthrow the new tsar Nikolay I in 1825 – among the first Russian extremists. The majority of historians, however, lean toward the traditional view that gives the “copyright” to Russian extremism to the revolutionaries of the 1860s-1880s, who openly and consciously used terror in their activities.
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By Dmitry Babich, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
Russia’s anti-extremist legislation has been the subject of much controversy in recent years. Both ultra-right and ultra-left organizations, as well as respected liberal critics of the government, were unanimous in their negative attitude to the Federal Law 114-FZ “On Fighting Extremist Activity,” adopted on July 25, 2002, and the amendments to it, adopted on July 27, 2006. The law was criticized for vague definitions and restrictive norms which supposedly gave the authorities a chance to crack down on any organization, media outlet, or even a religious group, accusing it of pursuing or encouraging extremist activity.
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By Sergei Balashov, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
One day, 21-year-old programmer from Moscow Roman Fedosov thought his country had had enough of illegal immigrants and decided to take action. He said that picking a group of like-minded people to join wasn’t too problematic. “The Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI) has always stood out thanks to its unity and determination to defend the interests of Russia’s native population,” said Fedosov, who has been with the organization for a year.
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Comment by Yevgeny Proshechkin, Special to Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
The Moscow branch of the Investigations Committee of the Prosecutor General’s office recently reported a dramatic increase in what it called extremist crime in Moscow. In 2008, there were 40 percent more such crimes committed than in 2007. According to the statistics, the amount of hate crimes based on racial or ethnic animosity grew even more. Viktoria Tsyplenkova, an aide to the head of the committee’s Moscow office, said that in 2007, there were 17 criminal cases launched on the grounds of inciting hatred or animosity toward members of religious, ethnic or social groups. In 2008, the number of such crimes reached 51.
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By Dmitry Babich, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
Leftist extremist organizations in Russia, despite having a long and bloody history in the first half of the twentieth century, lag far behind the nationalist extremists in both numbers and cruelty. The few actions on their part with the use of explosives had a symbolic character and were directed against symbols – statues and government buildings, not against humans.
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By Roland Oliphant, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
When Russians talk about extremism they usually think of fringe groups with radical views and unorthodox – if not downright repugnant – methods of promoting those views. Most of these groups, like skinheads, are marginal, and most of society would condemn their extremist views out of hand. But what about the more mainstream, supposedly respectable groups taking on the same issues? And what if they pursue them with similar tactics? Does that legitimize the “extremists,” or discredit the mainstream groups?
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Interview by Dmitry Babich, Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
The Chairman of the Committee of Trustees at the Religious Board of Muslims of Russia’s European Region Farit Farisov spoke to Russia Profile about the difficult relationship between the regime and Islam in Russia.
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By Semyon Charny, Special to Russia Profile
February 9, 2009
Radical nationalists immediately appreciated the World Wide Web as a practically uncontrolled means of effective propaganda. Unlike the “print” mass media and books, information uploaded to the Internet quickly reaches its addressees. The Internet has also become a means of communication and coordination of activities for groups of radical nationalists all around the country.
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